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united we blog! search primary menu skip to content about uwb search for: foreign affairs , nepal-china nepal china agreement in beijing foreign affairs , human rights , india blockades nepal , nepal earthquake 2015 , nepal-india , nepali economy pictures show how nepal is coping with the inhumane blockade by india government , madhes-terai , nepali society #nepal: madhesi groups have the highest representation in government jobs foreign affairs , india blockades nepal , nepal-india india puts #nepal on ventilator support by blockading the country’s imports (bbc report) human rights , india blockades nepal , madhes movement biased narrative of hrw report on #nepal foreign affairs , india blockades nepal , nepal in foreign press , nepal-india a controlled indian blockade on nepal (bbc report) announcements , guest column , nepali society how kathmandu elites capture nepal’s progressive and political agenda may 26, 2016 uwb 7 comments by ashesh uwb guest blog the elite group of nepal includes people from different ethnic groups and various places. the richest people in nepal are still from madhesi, newar, thakali and thakuri groups, apart from bahun-chhetri. likewise , based on access to land, government services and education, elites of different ethnic groups are far ahead of an average nepali person. some handful elite families from various ethnic groups and castes were privileged to study in high quality english-medium schools and renowned educational institutions abroad. they benefited the most from the rana and panchayat regimes and continued to do so in democratic times. today, they are the most influential class in kathmandu with deep political and financial interests. in the past couple of decades, they have coined a jargon “hill upper caste ruling elites” to pose as advocate for marginalized people as they saw movements targeted against them. the “progressive elites” have become successful in creating an illusion among foreigners that these poor and rural folks are the ‘demonic ruling elites’ of nepal and they, the real elites who benefited the most from the nepali state since centuries, are the agents of change and progress. read: madhesi groups have the highest representation in government jobs this coinage has successfully helped them shield themselves from the rights-based movements by creating a “new” enemy. in their narrative, the oppressors are the ‘hill upper caste ruling elites’ while oppressed are the marginalized ethnic, regional communities. and they ‘courageously’ side with the marginalized ones to attack the ‘hill upper caste ruling elites’, euphemism for the poor and rural bahuns and chhetris. this is a letter to all these kathmandu elites to remind them who they are and that there are many out there who don’t believe the narrative that they have been selling. dear kathmandu elites, given that you and your families are part of feudal ruling elite class, you may think all bahun-chhetri enjoyed similar privilege. but hard facts like hdi figures and other research show there are many poor bahun-chhetri people. people of diverse communities have enjoyed more access and privilege from the nepali state. continue reading how kathmandu elites capture nepal’s progressive and political agenda → advertisements share this: tweet whatsapp email more print pocket share on tumblr like this: like loading... nepali upper caste nepali-politics ruling class in nepal india blockades nepal , madhes movement , madhes-terai , nepal-india , nepali constitution , south asia did india deceive or did madhesi morcha misunderstand? february 11, 2016 siromani dhungana 2 comments by basanta basnet ( ‘kantipur’ daily, 28 magh 2072/11 feb 2016, page 2 ) ( unauthorised translation by kanak mani dixit ) kathmandu – “in order to allow india to save face, on 24 september in rajbiraj we took the formal decision to take responsibility for the blockade. but when it came time, without informing us, india deployed plainclothes security personnel on 25 magh/8 february to open the border point at birgunj,” a top leader of the united democratic madhesi morcha (udmf) told kantipur. “now, the cadre, our supporters and the general public are angry with us.” [related: pictures show how nepal is coping with the inhumane blockade by india ] five madhesi morcha leaders with bihar (india) politician lalu yadav at his residence (picture: kantipur) while talking for about an hour in anamnagar, the leader’s two mobile phones rang continuously. he mostly ignored the calls, but when he did pick any one up, he would answer with exasperation, “please wait a few days. we will sit and take a joint decision.” the end of srawan (mid-august) is the deadline for renewing government licenses, factory registrations and the like. by that time, the morcha had already started its protests against the constitution-writing and federal demarcation. the government offices in the madhes plains were closed, making it impossible to renew any document. the cadre and supporters have been pestering the harried leaders to get the government to cancel the fines slapped in the intervening six months. then there are the ordinary citizens, who have nothing more than their lives, their families and children, and perhaps a little plot of land. among them, there are many who have been maimed or disabled. the morcha does not have a count of how many died or were wounded during the movement. the leader said, “if the talks (with the government) had reached a certain point, we would have been in a position to make strong demands on all these matters. but right now, our self-esteem does not allow us to approach the government. after all, we are in a movement.” a general strike had been called in the plains by the federal inclusive mahdesi alliance on 15 august and by the madhesi morcha on 16 august. when the constitution was promulgated on 20 september disregarding the morcha’s displeasure and hectic indian lobbying, india decided on its own to stop the transport of petroleum from the border points into nepal. [related: a controlled indian blockade on nepal (bbc report) ] after india started the blockade on 22 september, the front felt pressured to act. in informal meetings, india asked the madhesi morcha leaders to formally declare the blockade. “the fact is, in earlier meetings we had ourselves suggested obstructing the border after violence escalated (against) madhes. we had even gone to raxaul to ask indian officials to prevent passage of goods,” said one morcha leader. “at first, the indians did not come forward, fearing financial loss. later, it was they who forced us to take the formal decision to blockade.” a debate ensued among the morcha members at the rajbiraj meeting, which got extended. the meeting ultimately declared the blockade on 24 september, but by then transport of petroleum products had already been halted (by india) at all border points. leaders of madhesi morcha (picture: kantipur) by the time of the chhat festival, all the transit points had been closed, barring some consignments of fruits and grain that were allowed across. thereafter, however, only the birganj-raxaul transit point was completely blocked while the others were all open. today, the morcha’s senior leaders are pained to ask, “why did india, after urging us to declare the blockade, proceed so enthusiastically on its own to lift it.” [related: debunking dr. karan singh’s misinformed comments on nepal at indian rajya sabha ] the second-rung leadership of the morcha is even more confused: “at the bijuli bazaar meeting in the middle of january, our senior leaders had already announced that they would change the nature of the movement after 1 february. so why did india deceive our leaders? or did our leaders fail to understand india’s suggestion.” the ongoing turbulence within the morcha today is the result of india’s diplomatic carelessness, maintains a leader of sadbhavana party. he is also perplexed as to why india opened all the ot

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